UNITED STATES (OBSERVATORY NEWS) — The conspiracy has long been a companion to American politics. However, in the era of Trump, he turned into a universal syndrome. The conspiracy against Russian assets in the government spawned a conspiracy about the deep state and Ukraine’s interference in the elections.
The boring unprofessionalism that led to the Iowa debacle sparked Twitter fever and speculation during a television debate that the Democratic National Committee had hidden a plot against Bernie Sanders.
The most conspicuous conspiracy theory continues to call for “cognitive infiltration” of “extremists” to correct the “crippled epistemology.” Now there are those who insist that only unbalanced ones give birth to conspiracies from the air, not trying to back up everything with facts, just to undermine the foundations of democracy.
But such theories deny the universality of the conspirators’ thinking, due to social conditions – and how its pathologization aggravates the situation.
The root causes of conspiracy theories are also not related to cognitive impairment. The French historian Marc Bloch in 1921 remarked that conspiracy theory always needed special social conditions to help it take root and spread. For example, a fragmented society destroyed by war. As America wages an endless war, its society is split over an unprecedented level of inequality.
In this context, conspiracy theories have become characteristic of American democratic politics. Those who intend to continue the oligarchic policy, which serves the interests of a small part of the population, cannot count on the fact that it will form the majority. They are turning to a conspiracy to seek support and reduce social discontent caused by policies that make most people in trouble.
But even when they do not use such tactics and lose the election, they still indulge in conspiracies. When it comes to explaining the loss in the 2016 primaries and general elections, the American centrists, without a doubt, blame the shadow forces. However, they should tighten their knowledge.
In the end, their ancestor, 19th-century French liberal Francois Guizot admitted that conspiracies are what weak governments create out of resentment that they generate in order to hide their mistakes. This is true for the current authorities.
This also applies to everyone who believes that their elections were rigged and who never managed to get enough votes to win.
The point is not that Russia did not interfere in the elections in 2016, but that obsession with conspiracies is pointless. If the hacking from Russia was of any significance, it was only because the fruits hung so low that the worms could gnaw them. Trading or debunking conspiracy theories is just two sides of the same coin: this is an attempt to avoid real politics.
Ultimately, conspiracies fail most of the time. As Italian political thinker Niccolo Machiavelli noted long ago, “many make attempts, only a few achieve the desired result.” He warned that the real danger was not that the plans would come true, but that they cast a shadow over politics.
As soon as the idea of a conspiracy captures the attention of the public, it brings real results, whether it is true or not. But even when anxiety due to conspiracies is justified, it only feeds them and worsens the situation.
Conspiracies are best left to the Netflix drum period. Machiavelli suggested that the best defense against their devastating impact on politics is a policy that will not push the vast majority of the population into thinking who betrayed them.
If you want to avoid turning politics into a world of corrupt oligarchies, you should not frustrate alleged conspiracies or debunk conspiracy theories. What is needed is a new political realism that will coldly examine economic and fiscal policies, which have long failed.
This article is written and prepared by our foreign editors writing for OBSERVATORY NEWS from different countries around the world – material edited and published by OBSERVATORY staff in our newsroom.
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